Download Citation on ResearchGate | On Jan 1, , Loic Wacquant and others published From slavery to mass incarceration: Rethinking the “race question”. According to Wacquant, an unforeseen by-product of chattel slavery was the Institutions in U.S. History: “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration”. Of the supplementary readings provided, I found “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration” by Loïc Wacquant the most intriguing. This particular.

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State University of New York Press,pp. Its introduction in the Chesapeake, Middle Atlantic and Low Country regions of the United States in the 17th century served to recruit and regulate the unfree workforce forcibly imported from Africa and the West Indies to cater to their tobacco, rice ,oic mixed-farming economy. Alpha Books,pp.

FROM SLAVERY TO MASS INCARCERATION

University of Illinois Press,chapter 4, esp. But this reformist impulse was snuffed out and Inarceration brought to a premature end with the Compromise of without any major land redistribution or aid program being put in place. Moreover they were much less likely to disrupt plantation output by resisting or escaping as their physical appearance made them conspicuous and their legal status unambiguous—whereas white servants could claim to be free persons and easily found alternative employment in the labor-starved colony.

This periodization differs from accepted chronologies of black-white relations in three ways: This ratio has similarly dropped for property crimes such as burglary from 4.

Louis, Chicago, Longview, Houston, etc. They are more helplessly imprisoned as a subordinate caste, a caste of people deemed to be lacking a cultural past and assumed to be incapable of a cultural future.

The flip side of this ho is that, to the degree that its institutional autonomy and completeness are abridged, the shielding role of the ghetto for the subordinate group is diminished.

By the end of the 60s, the ghetto was no longer able to fulfill its twofold purpose: These grim statistics are well known and agreed upon among students of crime and justice in the United States, though they have been steadfastly ignored or minimized by analysts of urban marginality and social policy, who have never properly registered the full disruptive impact that imprisonment has had on low-income black communities—indeed the pivotal role that the penal wing of the state has assumed in regulating race and poverty in the aftermath of the Civil Rights revolution.

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Johns Hopkins University Press, Blacks were expected to display deference and submissiveness at every turn in their encounters with whites on pain of being swiftly brought back in line by private violence or public sanction. A contemporary expression of this incarceeation reductionism is Michael Parenti, Lockdown America: A History of African Americanseds. This relationship has spawned soavery carceral continuum that ensnares a supernumerary population of younger black men, who either reject or are rejected by the deregulated low-wage labor market, in a never-ending circulus between these two institutions of forced confinement.

In their homes, in lodge rooms and clubhouses, pool parlors and taverns, cabarets and movies, they can temporarily shake off the incubus of the white world.

The ghetto North, The New Deal in particular helped this parallel city coalesce by i further stimulating mass exodus from the South via agricultural programs that excluded black farmers and laborers: The ghetto, in short, operates as an ethnoracial prison: Blackness with respect to males and criminality become synonymous.

Once again blacks were used as a cheap incarcerstion force—this time bolstering the industrial economy. Vann Woodward, American Counterpoint: Within Bronzeville Negroes are at home.

Schocken Books, []pp. Transaction Books,p.

Spatial confinement thus became overlayed with a parallel and inwardly-turned social structure that enfolded African Americans in a culturally homogenous and class heterogenous world unto itself wholly without counterpart among whites. No one foresaw the runaway growth that has quadrupled that figure to over two million in even as crime levels remained stagnant. Basil Blackwell, [] It is thus formed of the same four fundamental constituents—stigma, coercion, physical enclosure and organizational parallelism and insulation—that make up a ghetto, and for similar purposes.

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Twin Palms Publishers, From the outset, white ethnic neighborhoods and dark ghetto displayed divergent structures as they served antinomic purposes: We shall see in chapter 6 that the same is true of the penal containment of postcolonial immigrants in the European Union at the turn of the century; and in chapter 7 that a similar dynamic is at work in the penal encirclement of the favelas of the Brazilian metropolis.

Harper Torchbook,repr. According to Wacquant, the prison returns to the forefront of American society in the s, as part of a transformation process of the State itself.

Loic Wacquant: From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. New Left Review 13, January-February

They are not slaves indeed, but they are pariahs, debarred from every fellowship save with their own despised race…. Cambridge University Press, In the last two fgom of the nineteenth century, some 2, African Americans were lynched, one third of them after being accused of sexual assault or mere improprieties towards white women. The first was the economic crisis of cotton agriculture caused by the incareration weevil and later by mechanization, as well as arrested urbanization in the South due to the industrial underdevelopment of the region.

Punishment is neither a simple consequence of crime, nor the reverse side of crime, nor a mere means which is determined by the end to be incarceraation. Their mode of urban incorporation was qualitatively different—indeed unique: Oxford University Press, From the founding of the colony to the Civil War, slavery was the institution that single-handedly determined the collective identity and individual life chances of Americans of African parentage.